Tech Whistleblower: The UAE Colluded With Elon Musk to Interfere In the 2024 Election

The program is "Aleria," an advisor to Tulsi Gabbard was informed—and we have the receipts.

Vincent Reed didn’t go looking for any of this. He was brought in through a door that looked like opportunity, and by the time he saw what was behind it, leaving had become its own kind of danger.

A self-described technology outsider from Staples, Minnesota who stumbled into high-level global tech and investment circles through virtual networking—Reed had no idea he was about to be introduced to the people who were positioning themselves to decide the 2024 election.

By the summer of 2024, he was operating as a connector and dealmaker across sectors like healthcare AI, telecom, and energy, working entirely online with partners across the globe.

Enter Aleria and Elytron

One of those partnerships would change everything.

Reed’s entry point into Aleria was Dr. Andre DeSimone, whom he met in early summer 2024 while assembling a healthcare AI joint venture. DeSimone introduced Reed to two men—Jorge Remigio and Ludgero Sousa—who led a Brazil-based AI and cybersecurity firm called Elytron Security.

Over the following months, Reed grew increasingly embedded with their parent entity, Aleria Technologies, which they described as operating within the International Holding Company (IHC) of the UAE, ultimately controlled by Sheikh Tahnoon bin Zayed Al Nahyan, a UAE security adviser and one of the most powerful figures in Abu Dhabi’s financial and intelligence apparatus.

On August 19, 2024, Reed filed paperwork in Minnesota to incorporate a U.S. entity for Aleria—ElyTech USA Inc.—to give them a domestic home base for their AI technology platform. Reed has been explicit about the limits of what he knew at the time:

“There was never any discussion stating that this was to be the company that they would provide the election technology through, and I cannot speak to if that was the intent or not. I was listed as one of the two registered agents, and I am also the only one on the document who would have no ownership. I was told that I would be given a position as head of business development for this entity once it was up and running.”

The shift to election-related activity came in late summer 2024, when the Aleria team asked Reed to connect them with someone who had access to the 2024 presidential campaign teams.

Reed made an introduction to Tiffanye Paige, who brought in Tony Lowden—a former re-entry czar under Trump’s first administration:

“The initial meeting occurred sometime in mid August via a virtual call on the platform KMeets. KMeets the Aleria guys stated was more secure and harder to monitor. At the original meeting that I attended there was Ludgero, Jorge, Jerome, Dr. DeSimone, and one other person from the Aleria side. On the US side of this call was Tiffanye Paige, Tony Lowden, and myself. On this call it was initially stated that the technology was AI analytical technology, however that is not what it turned out to be.”

The Pivot to Elections

On August 24, 2024, the parties reconvened on KMeets. Vincent Reed was not on the second call but was contacted immediately after by Jorge. What he had expected to be a pitch for analytical AI tools turned out to be something far more significant: a demonstration of technology Aleria claimed had never lost an election globally.

At the time, Reed says, the technology did not seem nefarious in intent. After the call, Jorge told Reed privately that if Lowden couldn’t deliver the right campaign contact, their backup plan was Elon Musk.

During the second KMeets call, Aleria shared what amounted to an operational blueprint—a document distributed to all attendees that laid out precisely what their technology was capable of and how it would be deployed.

Page 1: Big Data &Al

The use of the big data fusion and artificial intelligence platform enables the reformatting and preparation of massive datasets to create operational databases:

• Geographic/demographic data

• Contacts (emails, phones, social profiles)

• Social networks (publications, influencers, etc.)

• National / regional daily press

• Political communication (national / local)

• Surveys

These sets are then used in all the targeted mass communication campaigns.

Opinion monitoring

Semantic and profile monitoring, trend identification, “top haters” detection, emotional analysis and weak signal identification.

Includes the supervision:

• News media, Twitter, Snapchat, TikTok, Instagram, Facebook, YouTube, Telegram, DarkWeb,..

• Create dashboards, newsletters and alerts

• Identify threats such as fake news and trolls

• Identifying and preventing future threats

Mobilizing citizens:

• Collection, reformatting and integration of social, political, economic and other data sets

• Cross-data analysis for effective geotargeting

• Create voting scenarios

• Analyze priority population needs by state and city

• Test communication campaigns and adapt them according to their effectiveness

Page 2

• Opinion Amplification:

This tactic involves segmenting and mapping population groups based on specific criteria such as geographic location, age, interests, or political engagement. An in-depth analysis of social networks helps identify opinion subgroups, often marked by strong polarization. Through our internal algorithms and the strategic use of avatars, we apply both organic and automated techniques to make a targeted opinion dominant within a specific group. This halo effect leverages cognitive biases to subtly influence the entire cluster.

• Opinion Dissemination:

This tactic focuses on the targeted dissemination of an opinion or information (rumors, messaging elements, ideas) within a specific group. For instance, if the strategic goal is to associate an opponent with a particular opinion, we can precisely introduce this opinion into various target groups, thereby influencing collective perception.

• Special Operations:

This approach includes the creation of tailored content for specific groups, such as the spread of rumors, destabilization of opposing communication teams, or the discrediting of opponents. These operations may employ psychological warfare techniques (PsyOps) and infiltration methods within opposition groups, all aimed at achieving clearly defined strategic objectives.

All the strategies can be achieved for the Candidate as long all the elected officials (governors, mayors, ...) on a mid/long-term strategy, particularly on the swing states.

Let's be clear about what this is. A foreign entity—operating under the direct influence of a UAE intelligence apparatus—approached the 2024 U.S. presidential campaign with technology explicitly designed to manipulate American voters at scale.

They had a preferred candidate. They had a backup plan. They had a blueprint. And they had access.

What Vincent Reed witnessed and documented is not a conspiracy theory. It is foreign interference in a U.S. election—the precise threat every American intelligence agency has warned about for decades—and it has been met with silence.

In November and December of 2024, Reed deepened his formal ties with the group, signing a commission agreement between his company Anubis Consulting and Aleria Technology LLC—registered in Abu Dhabi—and receiving a company email address from Elytron Security.

Then, in December, during a virtual call, Jorge produced a weapon on camera and made veiled comments about people who weren’t loyal:

“On a virtual call with Jorge, he pulled out a silver revolver and made reference about someone not being loyal and how they have their own way of dealing with people like this. At the time I did not know what he was talking about and directly asked, ‘Are you talking about me?’ and his reply was just a ‘No, no, you’re good—it was someone else.’”

As Reed became more embedded within the organization, he discovered the platform was capable of psychological operations, social media manipulation, opinion dissemination, and voter geotargeting—offered exclusively to one candidate, with Trump as their stated preference.

The more he learned, the more the relationship began to sour.

By late February and early March 2025, while working on a separate digital wallet project for Guyana, Reed again found himself facilitating an Aleria pitch—this time of their election technology—to that country’s government through a contact named Vinay Roopnarinesin.

2025 happened to be an election year in Guyana as well.

“Vinay stated that they would need a better understanding of the technology before they could take it to the president’s office. I was asked to get a better understanding of the technology and then come back to Vinay and explain it, by Vinay.”

Reed relayed the request to Jorge, who arranged a live demo led by Elytron’s tech lead, Jerome. What Reed saw finally made the nature of the system undeniable: it was designed to manipulate voter opinion at scale through social media.

“After this meeting I didn’t push this technology to Vinay. I believe that Jorge, however, did follow up with him and sent him documents about the technology. This technology left me very concerned about what it actually was. In the initial meeting with Tony, I hadn’t caught the part where the technology manipulates opinion via social media at scale.”

Reed recognized the operation as both unethical and immoral—and began to suspect the platform had already been used in the 2024 U.S. presidential election. He immediately began pulling back, declining to push the technology further with Vinay and creating distance between himself and Aleria.

Reed also took steps to protect a separate technology initiative he was involved in—a project combining Aleria’s AI with Valkyrie AI’s graph technology and Spectral Capital’s quantum systems intended for U.S. National Labs—by working to keep Aleria out of it.

On March 15, 2025, Spectral Capital’s Sean Brehm called Reed and offered him a 49% stake in an Abu Dhabi bank, supposedly with no strings attached. Sensing a trap—or a setup intended to compromise him—Reed brought in a witness: former Minnesota Secretary of State Mark Ritchie.

Reed believed the offer was designed to buy his silence. He declined.

In April 2025, Jorge called Reed on the Tawasal app and told him he had sent a link to new technology to his Elytron email address for review. Reed did not open the email or the link. Instead, he called Charlie Burgoyne, an individual represented to him as a direct adviser to Tulsi Gabbard.

Shortly thereafter, he received another call from Jorge—one that had nothing to do with technology:

“A couple of days after this, Jorge called me on Tawasal and read aloud all of my personal information, my partner’s, as well as where she worked, and just stated to think wisely and hung up on me. That was in April and it scared me, as at this point I am well aware of who these guys are and who they work for. Jorge and Ludgero had stated to me many times that they worked directly for the Sheikh.”

Reed immediately copied all Aleria and Elytron files to an external hard drive and went dark:

“I disconnected my working environment from the internet, copied all Aleria/Elytron files to an external hard drive, shut the computer off as is, disconnected it, and put it into a tote that I then air-gapped until I could get it into the hands of the government. I also stepped away from everything I was involved in and went dark out of fear of this group. Without a doubt they knew that I had documents and things they likely did not want me to share with anyone else.”

By then, Reed had established a working relationship with Charlie Burgoyne on projects unaffiliated with Aleria and Elytron, and believed he was best positioned to act on the information—especially given that the subject matter involved foreign election interference and Burgoyne's proximity to Gabbard:

“I was working with Burgoyne on the joint venture with Aleria as the access point to the national labs, a cold fusion project, and a $17 trillion bond for JP Morgan as retaliation for Trump’s tariffs—JP Morgan was the seller’s desk. I trusted Burgoyne because he came across as a good guy and appeared to be nonpartisan. Therefore I thought he would act on the information I was giving him, and as Tulsi’s adviser, he seemed to be in the best position to prompt her to open an investigation.”

In late May and early June 2025, Reed began disclosing everything he had witnessed to Charlie Burgoyne and Scottie Robertson—the individual who had introduced him to Sean Brehm.

Once Reed sent the message to Burgoyne on May 31, 2025, directly stating that the UAE was not acting in friendly terms toward the U.S., Burgoyne went silent—unusual given their previously open line of communication.

Read receipts confirm Burgoyne received the messages.

But he never responded.

Ashley St. Clair and Real-Time Vote Metrics

To understand why Reed’s account matters beyond his own testimony, it helps to look at what was happening on the other side of the operation. In the final weeks of the 2024 campaign, Elon Musk exchanged a series of text messages with Ashley St. Clair—a former conservative influencer and mother of one of his children—that raised questions no one has yet answered.

The exchange came to light through a May 31, 2025 New York Times article, now known to have been sourced by St. Clair herself. On October 5, 2024, Musk texted her:

“I’m feeling more optimistic after tonight. Tomorrow we unleash the anomaly in the matrix.” An hour later, he added: “This isn’t something on the chessboard, so they’ll be quite surprised. ‘Lasers’ from space.”

On May 18, 2026, St. Clair came forward publicly on TikTok to describe what Musk was communicating:

“I say, because I am like, rather uncomfortable, and I know the gravity of what he’s trying to tell me right now. I say, ‘Wow, finally, a focus on the Jewish vote.’ He keeps going. And he says, you know, this is not something on—this is not a piece that they’ll see on the chessboard.”

“And I straight up tell him, I say, I would ask more, but I really don’t want to be deposed, to which he says, very wise.”

The implication here is that St. Clair believed Musk was involved in something improper or illegal and wanted plausible deniability.

“Shortly after that, you know, he’s involved with AmericaPAC and all of this other stuff, and he’s sending me some internal data from AmericaPAC—real-time delta vote metrics. And I am just like, how the f*ck do you have this sort of data? You don’t get this from door knocking, because one of my first jobs in politics was on campaigns, cleaning up bad data from door knocking—because the vendors that AmericaPAC was using at this point hired Craigslist crackheads for door knocking. And I wish I was exaggerating, but I’m not.”

Real-time delta vote metrics.

The same capability Aleria had promised to deliver.

On June 5, 2025, a year ago to the day, Musk made his own position explicit:

“Without me, Trump would have lost the election, Dems would control the House and the Republicans would be 51-49 in the Senate.”

A chillingly specific number and yet Democrats, the one party with every incentive to investigate, brushed Musk’s revelation under the rug.

Calling In the Cavalry—Or Not

In July 2025, having received no response from Charlie Burgoyne, Reed turned to Mark Ritchie, the former Secretary of State of Minnesota—someone who knew Reed long before any of this began and had come to rely on him as a resource on AI technology, specifically in the context of a bid to bring the World's Fair to Minnesota:

“I knew Vincent because he was a super resource on AI and I had a specific interest—bidding to bring the World’s Fair here. I was interested in how we could handle many, many languages simultaneously in the most modern and futuristic way.”

It was through that work that Ritchie first encountered Aleria:

“I arranged for getting Aleria shown to people in our community here who were thinking about AI. This was a product that was very sophisticated and way ahead of anything I could find in the U.S.”

Then Reed told him something that changed the nature of everything:

“Vincent said, ‘I think this is something they are going to try to make available to the campaigns.’ And you can see from your conversations with Vincent that once he began to understand what was possibly happening, he began disassociating with it.”

And it was Ritchie who ultimately carried Reed’s evidence to the FBI:

“He asked me to take one responsibility—taking the hard drive to the local FBI here. By then I kind of knew the seriousness of this matter.”

Ritchie contacted the FBI’s Minneapolis field office. What happened next, Reed described in detail:

“The SAC stated to Mark that this is serious and would assign a special agent the same day, and that agent would reach out to me later that day. That agent, David Goodoien, did call me the same day, July 15, and I explained my entire situation to him for roughly two hours.

At the end of that conversation he stated that he would have to call his boss, who would need to call his boss, who would call their boss, and they would get back to me.

Two days later, that agent called me and requested anything I could provide to validate what I was saying. I stated I was willing to provide the iPhone that I worked from, as well as the external hard drive that I saved all the copies of Aleria/Elytron files to.”

Reed handed over his iPhone 13 Pro Max and a 2TB external drive to Ritchie, who then delivered them to FBI Special Agent David Goodoien.

The FBI’s return-receipt for those devices, dated July 28, 2025, is attached below.

On July 25, Goodoien called to say he would drive two hours each way to return the devices to Reed—something Reed found both unusual and unsettling, particularly given that Goodoien had previously told him the protocol was to return the devices to the person who had originally delivered them. That person was Mark Ritchie, not Reed.

Nevertheless, Reed met with Goodoien and they spoke for another hour. Reed was given no specific guidance or protection. He informed the agent that he had ceased all work and was collecting no income, placing him at risk of eviction.

The last contact Reed had from any government official came on November 24, 2025. After being evicted and publicly exposed by his former landlord on social media, he reported the incident to Goodoien:

“I didn’t hear anything else from the agent until after I was evicted and my former landlord posted my picture, name, details of eviction, and request for publics help locating me, and statement “Lets find him and make him pay” on social media. I reported this to the agent on a Sunday November 24 via a screenshot of the social media post. The agent called me the very next morning at around 8:30am. This was the first time the agent stated that “I filed a complaint that I believed was a national security issue.”

Agent Goodoien had acknowledged the severity of what Reed reported. The FBI had taken his devices, reviewed them, and returned them in person.

Yet from Tulsi Gabbard's office, which had been informed months earlier, there was no response. And from the FBI, after that November phone call, no further communication.

“When I stated my concerns around the foreign group’s OSINT technologies and the landlord’s post, and how it could put me at risk, he stated to me, ‘If we become aware of any imminent threat to you, we would be required to inform you.’ When I mentioned the devices and materials, all he stated was that ‘They are your personal property.’”

Having been publicly identified while attempting to stay hidden, Reed feared for his life and for the safety of those close to him:

“I very specifically asked Goodoien about protections against the UAE guys and guidance. None has ever been given.

Basically, I was on my own.

I came forward publicly after the Renee Good and Alex Pretti murders and the DOJ’s position on those matters. As if that was their stance on something clearly captured on video, what would their stance be on my situation? At that point I knew the DOJ was politically aligned with the administration, and my matter would most likely never be investigated properly.”

As of June 5, 2026—one year to the day that Musk announced to the world his role in the 2024 election—there has been no response from Congress or investigators.

We spoke with Ashley St. Clair. When she contacted legislators in the fall of 2024, an elected representative told her directly:

“The media would have to cover this first.”

So she went to the New York Times. The resulting article was published May 31, 2025. There has been no response from legislators. No response as she has continued revealing details about the data Musk had access to.

After eighteen months of reporting on anomalous vote data and the discovery and use of fake county vote banks deployed in swing states and Florida, legislators have given our team the same response they gave Ashley St. Clair: “This would have to hit mainstream media before we’d touch it.”

Legislators on both sides of the political aisle with financial ties to the 27 billionaires in the Epstein files.

And it is as if Vincent Reed—an unlikely whistleblower who asked only that someone investigate what appeared to be documented election interference involving a foreign government, the Trump administration, and Elon Musk—never even made that phone call.

The silence is its own answer.

What We Can Do About It

This is the part where we typically talk about how crucial this moment is, how we only have six months until the midterms, call your state attorneys general, rah rah rah.

Just start calling your swing state legislators at the state and federal levels. Call the swing state attorneys general.

Call. Call. Call.

We are not getting out from under this illegitimate regime until investigations begin and the people inside DOGE and the National Design Studio—a lesser known but no less consequential arm of this operation—are forced to choose between Trump, Thiel, Elon, and a prison sentence.

The mechanism for change is not complicated.

Lather. Rinse. Repeat. Until we get traction.

And yes—we’re still holding onto hope. You should too.

Onward.

Want the truth they’re not telling you? For fearless reporting and expert-backed research, read The Common Coalition Report. And if you believe in funding real, independent work—subscribe to our Substack or support our all-volunteer team here.